Ol’ Bully will be bringing his carnival sideshow / flim flam festivals back to Raleigh’s Jones Street for another season of Holy Rollin’ Rantin’ & Republican Hatin’. “Bully’s” theme for this season – every new season needs a “theme” don’t you know – is Regain the Moral High Ground. No one has a clue what the heck that Moral High Ground means. Hopefully not “selling off baby parts”. “Bully” is a BIG supporter of Planned Parenthood. Bully’s Barber-ians don’t really care about any of that..
Bully’s Barber-ians just love to hoot ‘n hate when their messianic bell cow gets to rantin’ and ragin’ and poundin’ his podium and incitin’ his minions to scream & shout. If you’ve never been to one of Bully’s Politically Pentacostal Chitlin’ Struts, they really are hooterific. Not as well-attended as Bully and his media lackeys (N&O and WRAL) want you to believe …. only exaggerated by several 100%s or so!; but the half a 100 he’ll draw if the weather is decent are “a sight”.
No word from Bully if he’ll be bringing in those six rusty VW minibuses of moldy hippies from Haight-Asheville this year or not. Or importing a few busloads of Union thugs like he did last year? For sure his Triangle-area “street people” and a scraggly gaggle of septuagenarian anarchists from Carrboro will be on hand. Whether any of’em will be “dry-humpin’ over in the corner” of the General Assembly this year like they did when they took-over Thom Tillis’ office two years ago remains to be seen. Will my personal favorites – “Reverend Rubye” and “Gabby Hayes” – be back? I can only hope so.
FOR SURE those media lackeys from N&O and WRAL will be on hand shooting their “very tight” B-roll and interviewing pre-selected Bully-ites with their carefully scripted tales of woe.
EVERYTHING about Bully Barber’s HOOT & HATES is BOGUS….. from the embarrassingly exaggerated turn-outs to his outlandish accusations; but with “the media weasels” in his pocket, Bully gets away with it. He will this year as well.
These “Bully Shows” are nothing but cleverly packaged self-promotion scams designed to elevate The Bully Man to the national stage of race-baiters along with Al & Jesse … & Barack. To Bully’s credit, they seem to be doing that.
You can be certain sure that this year’s Hoot ‘n Hates will NEVER mention (1) escalating Black-on-White or Black-on-Black Crime… or (2) the continuing obliteration of the Black Nuclear Family. Bully NEVER EVER mentions either issue. How come you don’t Bully?
Last “season” I asked “a Bully buddy” to ask His Imminence a simple question: “Why don’t black thug-aletes wear condoms?” I’m still waiting for an answer.
Q: Why am I reprinting Bully Barber recent manifesto here?
A: Because when Ol’ “Holier Than Thou” Bully gets to pontificating like he does below, he is A LOT funnier than anything I can say about him and his “Barberians”.
_ How Progressives Can—and Must—Regain the Moral High Ground
In the South, we’re building a broad, new movement rooted in right and wrong, not left and right.
By Rev. Dr. William J. (“Bully”) Barber II
January 15, 2016
_ After the Civil War, when the peace had been won and Reconstruction had begun, The Nation sent a writer through the South to report on the fledgling democracy. Both the heirs of William Lloyd Garrison and the new black citizens of Dixie understood that winning the South could mean a new America. Fifty years ago, when the South stood in the throes of a Second Reconstruction, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. filed reports on the civil-rights movement for this publication. King sought not only to document the South as it was, but to envision the nation as it should be. “Throughout our history, the moral decision has always been the correct decision,” he insisted. And the struggle for that moral decision, King added, was being waged in the South.
Fifty years later, it is easy for progressives to write off the South. Whatever flag flies over them, statehouses across Dixie harbor extremists who have gerrymandered voting districts and, now freed from the Voting Rights Act, have launched a raft of new anti-voting legislation. To many liberals, these George Wallace look-alikes are precisely what the South’s new Duck Dynasty deserves. In any case, the conventional wisdom goes, the struggle for the South is hopeless.
I beg to differ. As a preacher rooted in the Southern freedom movement, I find myself strangely hopeful at the beginning of 2016. Like Dr. King, I hold this hope as a moral conviction and a practical concern. But I, too, do not hold it without attention to the South as it is.
As in America’s First and Second Reconstructions, the South is crucial—and winnable—today. It matters not only because it is a region where American democracy has been envisioned, embattled, lost, and won for more than a century. It matters also because hard data, like those outlined in a 2014 Center for American Progress report, suggest that “registering just 30 percent of eligible unregistered black voters or other voters of color could shift the political calculus in a number of Black Belt states.” In North Carolina and elsewhere, black voters now turn out at percentages rivaling those of white voters, which is remarkable given the socioeconomic realities of the racial landscape. President Obama won North Carolina, Virginia, and Florida in 2008, and only narrowly lost North Carolina in 2012. Latino turnout rises every election cycle in North Carolina. And issues like healthcare, voting rights, and public education have sparked new “fusion” coalitions. If people of color in the South can learn to utter and understand new languages, a reshaped political landscape is possible through coalitions with Latinos, the LGBTQ community, labor, and religious progressives.
* * *
The question is not whether CNN will see this, but whether progressives themselves will see it. The patches of the fusion coalition in the South lie all around us: Black Lives Matter, Fight for $15, the Equality Federation, Southerners On New Ground, the ACLU, Planned Parenthood, the NAACP, and progressive churches. But progressives and liberals must learn not to throw away the moral high ground and walk away from religious discourse. At the heart of faith is love, justice, fairness, and a measure of mercy for all people. Many people get to a social ethos grounded in love by way of ethical reasoning or political tradition. But we must not write off the millions, from Baptists to Buddhists, who get there by way of a myriad of faith traditions.
Over the past decade here in North Carolina, we have witnessed the power of moral dissent to challenge the forces of injustice. Our adversaries have hijacked the concept of morality and shifted it to such personal matters as abortion and homosexuality. But by taking back the moral high ground on issues like Medicaid, voting rights, and poverty, our Moral Mondays movement won the support of a dozen major religious denominations and rallied tens of thousands in the streets of our cities and towns.
Though Democrats narrowly lost the 2014 US Senate race in North Carolina, our coalition mobilized voters of color at record levels. More than a thousand civil-disobedience arrests kept our issues in the news, which drove opinion polls sharply in our direction. The extremist legislature’s approval ratings fell to as low as 17 percent. The South as it is demands that we learn to hear and speak languages not our own in a fusion coalition that can usher in a Third Reconstruction.
This is why progressives must learn to “speak in tongues” toward a new political Pentecost, because the issues we face in 2016 are not matters of left and right; instead, they are matters of right and wrong. What religious tradition urges its devotees to fleece the poor and destroy public schools? What concept of God informs the believer that it is right to turn hungry children away from preschool programs where they can get a head start in life and a nutritious breakfast, or to deny poor children medical care and dentistry? What Scripture permits the beating of prisoners or refuses a person a fair trial? We have a genuine moral vision, and it is time that we embraced it.
* * *
_ Our rallies on the Statehouse lawn turned into old-style revival meetings where we came together in the most diverse gathering in North Carolina’s history, not only to celebrate our common future but also to put our bodies on the line in civil disobedience. Black, white, and brown; civil-rights and labor activists; gay and straight; rich and poor—nearly 100,000 (oops, 7,000 tops) of us marched on Raleigh together in the dead of winter. We went east and organized with a Republican mayor and the local NAACP to save a hospital in Belhaven. We went west and organized seven new chapters of the NAACP in counties that are majority Republican and nearly all white. And in the 2014 midterm elections, we defeated a number of Tea Party candidates in those western North Carolina counties where we planted young organizers.